In much of the free world, coalition governments are routine, even commonplace. In countries with more than two viable political parties, it is difficult for one party to win more than 50 percent of seats in the legislature, forcing them to join with smaller parties to form a governing majority – and forcing them to incorporate the smaller parties’ agenda into their own.
This process is (literally) foreign to Americans. With just two major political parties (sorry, Whigs), Democrats or Republicans always secure a majority in Congress.
But, as Republicans face increasing internecine warfare in their Congressional ranks, a coalition government of sorts has formed in the U.S. House, with Republican leaders relying on Democrats to get things done – and Democrats cautiously helping them.
Nowhere is this more evident on the debate over providing military aid to Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan. President Biden and a clear majority of Senators support an aid package, as so most House Democrats and a large portion of the House GOP. But enough House Republicans oppose aid to Ukraine to make it impossible for the Republican majority to pass such a bill.
The problem for Republicans is basic math: there are currently 217 Republicans in the House and 213 Democrats, with five vacant seats. That means if Democrats all vote in a bloc, Republicans can afford to lose only one vote on their side on any bill or motion. If just two Republicans oppose a bill, it can’t pass without Democratic support.
That gives House Democrats lots of leverage, since their support is needed. But it puts the current Speaker, Mike Johnson (R-LA), in a terrible bind: the more he relies on Democrats to pass legislation, the angrier hardline Republicans get that he is consorting with the “enemy.” (Recall that Johnson’s predecessor, former Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-CA), was ousted last fall because he relied on Democratic votes to avoid a government shutdown.)
The result had been gridlock, as Johnson has avoided bringing foreign aid legislation to the floor. That is, until a week ago, when Iran launched 300 drones and missiles at Israel in retaliation for Israel’s attack that killed several Iranian generals. Although Israel managed to down almost all the projectiles, the pressure on Congress to supply Israel with military aid – coupled with the growing alarm at Ukraine’s ammunition shortage in its war against Russia – forced Johnson to act.
Risking the opprobrium of his hard right flank, he vowed to bring to the floor a package of four bills to provide aid to Israel, Ukraine and Taiwan, along with some other national security provisions. He knows full well that he will need Democratic support to get them passed in Congress. He also knows that at least two House Republicans, have called for his ouster, much the same way that McCarthy was booted. If the GOP rebels move forward with their attempt to vacate the Speakership, Johnson will need at least a few Democrats to vote to save him.
Should that happen, it would represent something almost unprecedented in modern American history – one party supporting the leadership of a member of the other party. And just as coalition governments force the leading party to accept some priorities of their coalition partners, Johnson may find himself needing to accede to some Democratic demands to keep his job,
Of course, it may be short-lived: the November election could change everything. If Democrats retake the House, or if Republicans secure a larger majority, the need for such cross-partisan dealmaking will ebb. But if the voters elect a House that has a similar partisan balance, we may see more strange political bedfellows in the future.
NASA Amends Regulations for NEPA Implementation
On April 11, NASA announced that it is amending and updating its regulations for implementing the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA).
According to NASA, the amendments revise NASA’s regulations to better align with the Agency’s current and near future actions, adjust the level of NEPA review and documentation required for certain actions, and provide more concise descriptions of NASA actions. In addition, consistent with NASA’s requirement to review existing Categorical Exclusions (CatExs) at least every seven years to determine whether modifications, additions, or deletions are appropriate, this final rule incorporates updates to NASA’s CatExs based on that review.
The new regulations became effective on April 11.
Speak Up for CRM in Washington!
Regardless of how, or whether, Congress acts on major issues, legislators face big issues that may impact preservation and cultural resource management. CRM firms have a lot at stake when Congress makes policy decisions that impact their bottom line. And there’s no better way to make sure lawmakers hear the industry’s point of view than meeting them in person.
ACRA members have a powerful story to tell policymakers about the importance of cultural resources management. As Congress debates policies that impact the CRM industry, it’s more important than ever to make sure lawmakers hear that story.
That’s why ACRA is holding its annual Capitol Hill Fly-In May 7-8, 2024.
Don’t miss this chance to join your fellow CRM professionals in meeting with your members of Congress to discuss issues important to the industry. ACRA will arrange your meetings and provide training beforehand. There is no cost to register for the Fly-In, but you are responsible for making your travel and lodging accommodations.
ACRA needs time to get your meetings scheduled, so sign up now before it is too late!